Island (in)sensitivity in Chinese Topicalization

Abstract

This paper argues that Topicalization in Chinese is generally island-sensitive. However, Zhang (2002) notes that the complex NP composed of a relative clause (RC) can be transparent for movement like Topicalization when the immediately higher clause outside it contains a stable-state denoting predicate, but it cannot be otherwise. To account for the island obviation of Chinese Topicalization with such a predicate, we adopt Han and Kim’s (2004) analysis of double relatives in Korean, where the Double Subject construction occurs with the first major subject nominal is relativized from the RC that modifies the second grammatical subject nominal. In fact, we show that in a parallel fashion, Topicalization in Chinese does not invite as island violation with a stable-state denoting predicate because the predicate allows double subjects. More specifically, Topicalization proceeds licitly from the edge of the RC to the immediately adjacent outer Spec of TP granted by a stable-state denting predicate. To the extent that the present analysis of the island obviation in question is successful, this paper strengthens the movement thesis for Topicalization in Chinese.