Anaphoric Definites without a Determiner: Korean vs. Chinese

Abstract

This paper contributes to the recent works on the nature of anaphoric definites by comparing Korean and Mandarin Chinese (MC). We first note that in Korean, bare NPs as well as demonstrative-preceded nominals can serve as an anaphoric definite. This sharply contrasts with MC, where demonstrative-preceded nominals can do so, but bare NPs can do so only in the subject/topic position and not in other positions. Building on the claim that unlike unique definites (or weak Ds), anaphoric definites (or strong Ds) are composed of a strong determiner whose anaphoric index argument establishes an explicitly expressed relation with their antecedents (i.e., Schwarz 2009, Jenks 2018), we propose that there are two loci for structurally accommodating its anaphoric index argument: (i) at the periphery of Nume(ral)P; and (ii) at the periphery of bare NP. Both Korean and MC demonstratives just outside NumeP assume the role of a strong determiner, performing the same function as the English definite determiner the. However, Korean diverges from MC in structurally licensing the covert strong-determiner-like element just outside a bare NP. It can be lexicalized and licensed with the Case/case morphology available to Korean but only by topic features in the subject/topic position in MC. An important consequence of this analysis is that because unlike their counterparts in Korean, bare NPs in the object position in MC cannot be an anaphoric definite, neither can their null counterparts (i.e., pro's) in the object position in MC, which echoes Huang’s (1984) celebrated ban on null anaphoric definites in the object position. Demonstrating that apparently null anaphoric definites are available only in VP-ellipsis constructions in MC (as well as Korean), we argue that in Korean and MC, overt demonstrative pronouns replace demonstrative-preceded nominals, and pro's substitute bare NPs.