Notes on Specificational Right-Dislocation

Abstract

This paper investigates certain properties of the Specificational Right-Dislocation (SRD) constructions in Korean. Based on the (im)possibility of case/postposition-drop from the appendix, it is shown that the SRD is derived by ellipsis or from a pro source. As an argument in favor of the ellipsis approach, I present strong parallelism between SRDs and fragments. In particular, it is shown that the parallelism holds with respect to the variability of the Clause-Mate Condition effects and that it is best captured under the ellipsis approach. Finally, the paper discusses the shared adnominal SRD, where the adnominal appendix appears to be shared by the two conjuncts in the host clause. I suggest that the sharedness of the appendix favors the ellipsis approach. Specifically, I suggest the shared appendix is multi-dominated within the two conjuncts in the appendix clause, followed by subsequent application of movement and ellipsis.