Perspective Effects on Korean Subjects in Jussive / Commissive Endings, Evidentials, and Psych Predicates

초록

This paper develops a unified account of Korean “person restrictions” on matrix and embedded subjects - patterns in which certain constructions strongly favor or exclude particular person values (e.g., 1st/2nd person). We first document that these restrictions are construction-sensitive, spanning jussive/commissive clause types (imperatives, exhortatives, promissives), evidentials (-te-, -keyss-), and direct-experiential psychological adjectives. We then argue against approaches (e.g., Park 2026) that derive the restrictions from dedicated discourse projections and Sentience (or Point of View) Phrase-related features, showing that such systems face conflict/override problems (e.g., psych predicates co-occurring with -keyss-) and unexpected restrictioncancellation effects (e.g., -e ha-). As an alternative, we propose that Mood introduces an unvalued participant variable in a Participant Phrase (PartiP). In root environments, the variable is valued by a discourse anchor (speaker or hearer) determined by clause type; in embedded environments, it is valued through a control-like dependency mediated by a matrix argument. Different constructions impose distinct lexical conditions on its valuation: jussives require anchor-participant identity, evidentials impose observer-related non-identity (recast as perspectival separation), and psych adjectives require Conceptualizer-Experiencer Identity. Nominalization provides a key diagnostic: when Mood fails to establish the relevant anchor, restrictions disappear. The resulting system derives apparent person restrictions without discourse projections and clarifies how “control-like” dependencies extend beyond canonical PRO control.

키워드