ScholarWorks@동국대학교

초록

This paper examines Korean allocutive marking through the lens of syntax-pragmatics interaction, arguing against the view that sentence-final forms such as -(su)pni+ta and -e+yo arise from syntactic allocutive agreement or consist of independent inflectional morphemes. Unlike languages such as Basque or Tamil, Korean lacks φ-agreement and does not restrict allocutive forms based on the syntactic position of second-person pronouns. The analysis proposes that these allocutive markers function as mood modifiers, not as agreement elements, and are best understood as portmanteau-like morphemes that fuse honorific and mood information. Adopting the framework of Distributed Morphology, the study argues that these forms are inserted covertly at Logical Form (LF), not within overt syntax, and are externalized at Phonetic Form (PF). This approach accounts for their root clause-only distribution and their dependence on speaker intention rather than fixed syntactic rules. Additionally, drawing a parallel with prosodic modulation of mood markers, the paper aligns Korean allocutivity with Um’s (2025) interactional approach, where sentence type is determined by both grammar and discourse-driven prosody. Overall, the paper highlights the importance of pragmatics and LF-based derivation in explaining the behavior of Korean allocutive markers, departing from analyses that rely solely on overt syntactic structures.

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