Multiple Wh’s in Korean and Their Syntax

Abstract

This paper investigates the syntax of multiple wh’s in Korean, especially when such multiple wh’s are of reduplicative form. Particularly focusing on locality in deriving a pair-list interpretation in the construction at issue, we argue that the clause-boundedness restriction follows from quantifier raising (QR) and absorption that multiple wh’s undergo. At the same time, we examine how Dayal’s (1996) wh-triangle and Watanabe’s (1992) additional wh effects materialize in Korean multiple wh-constructions, providing a comparativesyntactic account for the issues at hand. Meantime, we also investigate the issue of how Pesetsky’s (1987) D-linking comes into play in the construction in question.