On NP ellipsis in Chinese relative and noun-complement constructions

Abstract

This squib investigates the contrast between relative and nouncomplement constructions in (Mandarin) Chinese. The head NPs in the former can be subject to NP ellipsis, but the head nouns in the latter cannot be. But the puzzling thing is that when the particle de is not realized before the head nouns in the latter, NP ellipsis is ruled in. This squib tackles this apparent repair by ellipsis for de in noun-complement constructions in Chinese. We argue building on the line of analysis for the related numeral classifier construction by Li (2013) that the seemingly identical particle de behaves in syntax in the different ways in the two constructions at issue. Relative clauses are followed by de in syntax to function as NP modifiers. Noun-complement clauses are also followed by de in syntax, which is in turn restructured with the following head noun into the [de + noun] combination. This combination projects into NP and feeds into NP ellipsis, accounting for the apparent repair by ellipsis in the noun-complement construction when de is not realized.