Notes on the Shared Right-Dislocation in Korean

Abstract

This paper investigates what I call shared right-dislocation constructions, where the appendix (or, “right-dislocated” element) appears to be shared by both conjuncts in the host clause. I attempt to account for the related facts, and show that the ellipsis approach to Right-Dislocation can best capture it with some natural assumptions. In particular, I provide two suggestions. First, I suggest that the appendix may undergo movement in the Across-the-Board fashion in the appendix clause, followed by ellipsis, but that for certain data, the movement is to be re-cast as involving multi-dominance of the appendix in the base structure. I also suggest that some shared RDs can also be considered as involving the split antecedents in ellipsis (Ross 1967). It is shown that other alternative approaches to RD would fall short of capturing the relevant facts.