Remarks on the Variability of Island-(In)sensitivity in Right Dislocation: Toward a Processing Account

Abstract

This paper investigates a certain variability of island-(in)sensitivity in Right Dislocation (RD) in Korean. I suggest that the variability arises due to the processing mechanism that demands the parser process the sentence as soon as possible to minimize processing load in consistent with the Minimal Attachment Principle (cf. Frazier and Fodor 1978; Fodor and Inoue 1998, 2000; Bae and Park 2018). Extending the principle, I argue that the appendix tends to be processed with the linearly closer, potentially matching predicate, and that in certain contexts it results in wrong processing, giving rise to the island effect. I also suggest that the processing account can be compatible with the ellipsis approach to RD by showing that when the processing mechanism becomes ineffective, the ellipsis effect emerges. This in turn supports the claim that island violations can be repaired by ellipsis.